Within
academic debates regarding subalternity and homosexuality there are two broad
arguments: a) ‘modern’ homosexual identities are the product of ‘gay
imperialism’ from the ‘west’ and therefore unsuitable for non-western climates;
and b) ‘modern’ homosexual identities are rooted in a rights-based initiative
for legal and cultural change. Yet both arguments are simplistic and require
greater nuance for LGBT equality worldwide.
The
search for (and proof of) a native homosexual identity is important for the
most conservative elements of a subaltern society that may reject homosexuality
on the basis that it is foreign to their culture and society. The ‘modern’
homosexual identity that has developed is somewhat problematic for these
cultures where it is viewed as the only definition of homosexuality, but so are
the ‘native' definitions that appear in academic debate. Hijras in India
can be divided into kothi and panthi: the former takes the
passive position in intercourse where the latter takes the active position and
marries a female. The kothi will dress and behave as a female and live
among other kothis, and those kothis that castrate themselves
refer to themselves as ‘asli’ (authentic), and the un-castrated as ‘nakli’
(fake/inauthentic). While there is a case to be argued that this represents a
greater tolerance in Indian society (historically) towards homosexuality, this
should not be the form of homosexuality that is upheld in Indian society in the
search of a native homosexual identity. It is rooted in compromise, it reduces
homosexual relationships to sexual transactions and puts kothis, panthis
and their wives at risk; it is predicated on the imitation of heterosexuality via
the aforementioned binaries; it denies the right, particularly to kothis,
of a stable loving relationship. This is particularly interesting as it seems
that the more feminine of the kothi-panthi relationship has more to
loose: they are not able to fulfil notions of hegemonic masculinity and be
accepted as a part of wider society by hiding their sexuality and having a
married life. Perhaps most importantly, this native form of homosexuality is
silent on female homosexuality: implying that females should not, or do not
deserve the right to sexuality.
Conversely,
the example of Polari, a subdialect used in Britain
by predominantly by gay men before the decriminalisation of homosexuality in Europe
reveals the way in which a subculture and a native gay identity existed in Europe .
It can thus be understood that with greater legal rights and social recognition
as an acceptable orientation, native homosexual identities erode with the
development of LGBT rights and equality on the basis of individualism and freedom.
Conversely, the LGBT rights movement and this ‘modern’ globalised homosexual
identity is rooted in rejection of compromise, and while geographically
‘western’ in origin, is not a ‘western’ gay cultural identity.
The
context of this globalised homosexual identity is then problematic, not because
it seeks to achieve parity with heterosexuality socially, but because it is
rooted in the concept of individualism. In Indian society which is collective
rather than individualistic, an uncompromised homosexual identity is somewhat
problematic where heterosexuals often have to compromise on relationships
regularly: marriage to someone within the same caste and religious group is
likely to be expected, and a pre-marital boyfriend/girlfriend may not be a
suitable marriage partner. Any analysis of gay liberation in India
and the search for equality and parity both socially and legally must not be predicated
on the rhetoric of individual liberty and rights alone. This is not to imply
that India is
not worthy of these concepts, but to deny the collective nature of many
subaltern cultures is to do great damage to the search for LGBT liberation in
those societies.
There
is a risk then that the wealthiest in those societies are able to adopt this
‘globalised’ homosexual identity where they have little economic dependence on
their families and do not have to worry about destitution if they are rejected and
disowned. This leaves the poorest in society alienated from the LGBT rights
movement and serves to fragment and dichotomise the LGBT community from within
on class (and caste) lines: moving forward thus means the careful navigation
between the ‘no-compromise’ principle and the nature of a collective society
which expects compromise.
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